REMEMBRANCE SUNDAY,
2015
The Armistice that took effect on the eleventh hour of the
eleventh day of the eleventh month, 1918, concluded the bloodiest war the world
had ever yet seen. The loss of life in the trench warfare on the Western Front was
unimaginably horrendous. For example, on July 1, 1916, the first day of the
Battle of the Somme, the British Army suffered the loss of approximately 20,000
soldiers: the most deaths it sustained in the field on any one day of battle before
or since.
Observances commemorating the fallen on November 11th,
or the Sunday closest, began just after the Great War itself. In 1919, Pope
Benedict XV granted an indult to the English Catholic Church, permitting a
Requiem on Remembrance Sunday in addition to the Mass of the day.
Every year on this day in London, at an outdoor service of
Remembrance, the Queen lays a wreath of poppies at the Cenotaph in Whitehall. A
cenotaph, incidentally, represents an empty tomb, erected in honor of a person
or persons whose mortal remains lie elsewhere. In that sense, it’s similar to the
catafalque we have here in the church today, which represents the bier on which
the coffin or casket would normally rest at a funeral.
On Monday, All Souls Day, we offered a Sung Requiem Mass for
All Faithful Departed. Throughout the year, here at S. Stephen’s, we offer weekday
Requiems for the departed of this parish, generally on the first Monday of the
month. At our daily Masses we remember by name those of the parish whose
anniversaries fall during the current week, as well as those who’ve died
recently.
This privilege of being able to pray for our beloved dead
has a deep historical connection to our annual commemoration of Remembrance
Sunday, which comes from the Church of England. Before World War I, only a few
extreme Anglo-Catholic parishes in England offered prayers and Masses for the
dead. The Anglican mainstream regarded the practice with deep suspicion as
subversive of the principles of the English Reformation.
The dominant Protestant theology held that as soon as you
died, you were consigned immediately either to heaven or to hell. Those in
heaven didn’t need our prayers; those in hell were beyond all help. So, as you lay
dying in Victorian or Edwardian England, your religiously minded relatives and
friends might gather round your deathbed, anxiously awaiting some pious word
indicating that you had the faith necessary to get into heaven. Nothing less
would suffice as comfort for the bereaved.
The Great War of 1914 to 1918 changed all that. Anglican
chaplains who went to the front discovered that the majority of enlisted men
had no Church upbringing and professed no explicit Christian faith. In the
previous centuries of industrialization and urbanization, the active
churchgoing population of England had become a minority of the nation. Here
they were, dying daily in the trenches by the hundreds and thousands. Yet the
lives and deaths of these un-churched soldiers nonetheless often exemplified what
seemed basic Christian virtues of generosity, camaraderie, bravery, and
self-sacrifice.
These observations engendered a crisis in traditional Anglican
patterns of belief about death and judgment, heaven and hell. According to the
received criteria, these fallen soldiers were unqualified, by their lack of an
explicitly professed religious faith, to enter heaven; yet, because of their
heroism and self-sacrifice, it seemed neither credible nor fair that they
should be consigned eternally to hell.
This conundrum led to new openness among mainstream Anglicans
to the traditional Catholic doctrine of an intermediate state, where the souls
of the departed are purified and purged of their sins, and so made ready for
heaven. In that case, there might be some point to praying for the dead after
all. The prayers of the living might indeed assist the dead in their continuing
journey into the fullness of God’s presence.
The practice of praying for the dead also addressed a profound
psychological and spiritual need among the bereaved. The loss of almost an
entire generation had a deeply traumatic effect on British society. According
to historian David Nash, the survivors collectively experienced an overwhelming
desire for some kind of continuing relationship with the fallen. This was
especially the case when the government decided out of necessity to stop
repatriating the bodies of the dead and began burying them in vast cemeteries
near the battlefields.
One result was an upsurge of spiritualism. Bereaved parents,
brothers, sisters, and lovers attempted to make contact with the fallen by
means of séances conducted by mediums. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle of Sherlock
Holmes fame wrote a book commending spiritualism as a means of receiving
communications from the dead.
In line with traditional Christian teaching, the Church of
England rightly discouraged these practices. The more liberal clergy condemned
spiritualism as superstitious nonsense by which unscrupulous charlatans took
advantage of people at their most vulnerable; the more traditional clergy
warned that fooling with the occult can open the door to malign spiritual
presences that are indeed real but best avoided and left alone. The deeper question,
however, was what alternative the Church had to offer.
The answer was the traditional Catholic belief in the
Communion of Saints: the unbroken spiritual fellowship of the Church Triumphant
in heaven, the Church Expectant in purgatory, and the Church Militant on earth.
Integral to this doctrine was the conviction that just as the saints in heaven
pray for us, so we have the privilege of praying for the souls of those whom we
love but see no longer.
Historian Alan Wilkinson writes, “In 1914 public prayer for
the dead was uncommon in the Church of England; by the end of the war it had
become widespread.” In a sermon in Westminster Abbey on All Saints Day, 1919,
William Temple, the future Archbishop of York and Archbishop of Canterbury, exhorted
the congregation: “Let us pray for those whom we know and love who have passed
to the other life …” Death does not settle everything irrevocably. Growth
continues beyond the grave. We do not pray for the dead because we believe that
God will otherwise neglect them but because “we claim the privilege of uniting
our love for them with God’s.”
On Christmas Eve, 1918, King’s College Cambridge offered its
Festival of Nine Lessons and Carols for the first time. The concluding petition
of the well-known Bidding Prayer written by Eric Milner-White reads: "Lastly, let us remember before God all those who rejoice with us, but upon another shore, and in a greater light, that multitude which no man can number, whose hope was in the Word made flesh, and with whom in the Lord Jesus we are for ever one." What must those words have meant to the vast majority in the congregation who had almost certainly lost close friends and family in the war that had ended only the previous month!
Anglo-Catholics of course welcomed this recognition of a
practice they had long commended and they gladly offered prayers and Requiems
for the fallen. Holy cards were issued depicting a priest celebrating a
Requiem; above the altar was a cloud containing the figures of the soldiers for
whom the Requiem was being offered. The painting on those cards was “The Place
of Meeting” by T. Noyes Lewis, reproduced on the cover of today’s Kalendar.
Today, we continue the same tradition in another place, in
another country, in another time. War is a horrible thing. As Christians we’re
called to be peacemakers, to work and pray always for peace. Yet on at least some
occasions the horrors of war have served as the catalyst for the Church’s
rediscovery and re-appropriation of the riches of its own spiritual tradition.
For that we may be thankful, much as we deplore war having to be the occasion
of such a blessing. This morning, then, we commend to Almighty God the souls of all
the fallen, trusting that Christ will bring them, and us with them, to the
fullness of eternal life.
Acknowledgments
Key background for this sermon came from Alan Wilkinson, The Church of England and the First World
War (Cambridge, UK: Lutterworth, 2014, originally published 1978), and
David Nash, Christian Ideals in British
Culture (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).








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